McClintock: From Industrial Garden to Food Desert - Sorrel

    One really interesting aspect of McClintock’s chapter is the connection between demographics and the physical terrain. Researchers have found that lower-income communities, often composed of people of color, tend to settle in flatter, more accessible areas rather than mountainous or difficult-to-navigate regions. This makes sense – those with fewer financial resources are less likely to afford housing in remote or elevated areas that require more expensive transportation and infrastructure.

    This geographic pattern also correlates with the presence of food deserts – urban areas where access to fresh, healthy food is severely limited. What’s particularly striking is that these food deserts often coincide with literal environmental deserts, areas devoid of vegetation and biodiversity. The lack of green spaces, community gardens, and access to nature further exacerbates health disparities, reinforcing cycles of poverty and food insecurity.

    McClintock’s discussion of the industrial garden highlights how cities like Oakland are shaped by a long history of segregation and systemic racism. During the peak of their development, these cities were designed to enforce racial divisions. Urban planning and housing policies deliberately segregated neighborhoods, assigning white communities to desirable areas with economic opportunities while restricting Black and other marginalized communities to less favorable, under-resourced locations.

    Even after legal segregation ended, these divisions persisted. Redlining, discriminatory lending practices, and racial covenants prevented Black families from purchasing homes in wealthier, predominantly white areas, forcing them into rental markets or undesirable housing locations. These historical injustices directly contributed to the urban food disparities we see today. Neighborhoods that were historically underfunded and segregated remain so, with limited access to grocery stores, fresh food markets, and other essential resources.

    One aspect of this chapter that I really appreciate is its ability to trace a clear history that explains how food deserts came to exist. It is not enough to simply acknowledge that food insecurity is a problem – we must also ask why our food system is failing so many people. McClintock provides a crucial historical lens, showing that food deserts are not a random occurrence but a direct consequence of racist urban planning, economic marginalization, and systemic neglect.

    The reality is shocking: in cities like Oakland, it is often easier to find a liquor store than a grocery store. Residents can choose from dozens of types of alcohol but may struggle to find fresh produce. This is completely backward – access to healthy, nutritious food should be a fundamental human right, yet systemic inequalities continue to make it a privilege rather than a guarantee.

    By analyzing the historical and social structures that created food deserts, McClintock challenges us to think critically about the intersection of race, class, and food access. If we want to create a more equitable food system, we must first confront the historical forces that shaped the injustices we see today.